| Here we are posting historical writings
    about Cyprus.You can access the original source by clicking on the copyright notice at the
 foot of each one. Our thanks to all sources.
 | 
  
    | Cimon                    
      By Plutarch Politics
                   
        By Aristotle
 Thalia         
               By
    Herodotus
 The History of the
    Peloponnesian War
 By Thucydides
 Pygmalion and the Statue
 By Ovid
 Aemilius Paulus         By Plutarch
 | Alexander                         By Plutarch Histories            
           By Herodotus
 Solon                           
    By Plutarch
 The Aeneid
                      
    By Virgil
 Antony                      
         By Plutarch
 Cato the Younger
               By Plutarch
 The Persians
                     
    By Aeschylus
 The Bacchantes
       By Euripides
 
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    | Cimon 
    (died 449 B.C.E.) 
     
    By Plutarch  
    Written 75 A.C.E. 
     
    Translated by John Dryden
     But Themistocles, it is said, abandoning all hopes of compassing his
    designs, very much out of the despair of overcoming the valour and good
    fortune of Cimon, died a voluntary death. Cimon, intent on great
    designs, which he was now to enter upon, keeping his navy about the isle
    of Cyprus, sent messengers to consult the oracle of Jupiter Ammon upon
    some secret matter. For it is not known about what they were sent, and
    the god would give them no answer, but commanded them to return again,
    for that Cimon was already with him. Hearing this, they returned to sea,
    and as soon as they came to the Grecian army, which was then about
    Egypt, they understood that Cimon was dead; and computing the time of
    the oracle, they found that his death had been signified, he being then
    already with the gods. 
 He died, some say, of sickness, while besieging Citium, in Cyprus; according
    to others, of a wound he received in a skirmish with the barbarians. When
    he perceived he should die he commanded those under his charge to return,
    and by no means to let the news of his death be known by the way; this
    they did with such secrecy that they all came home safe, and neither their
    enemies nor the allies knew what had happened. Thus, as Phanodemus relates,
    the Grecian army was, as it were, conducted by Cimon thirty days after
    he was dead. But after his death there was not one commander among the
    Greeks that did anything considerable against the barbarians, and instead of
    uniting against their common enemies, the popular leaders and partisans of
    war animated them against one another to that degree, that none could interpose
    their good offices to reconcile them. And while, by their mutual discord,
    they ruined the power of Greece, they gave the Persians time to recover
    breath, and repair all their losses.
 (Copyright http://classics.mit.edu/Plutarch/cimon.htm
    ) | 
  
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    | Politics 
    By Aristotle  
    Written 350 B.C.E 
     
    Translated by Benjamin Jowett
     The ends sought by conspiracies against monarchies, whether tyrannies or
    royalties, are the same as the ends sought by conspiracies against other forms
    of government. Monarchs have great wealth and honor, which are objects of
    desire to all mankind. The attacks are made sometimes against their lives,
    sometimes against the office; where the sense of insult is the motive, against
    their lives. Any sort of insult (and there are many) may stir up anger,
    and when men are angry, they commonly act out of revenge, and not from
    ambition. For example,    
    .............................................................other
    examples.....................................................because he boasted of
    having enjoyed his youth. Evagoras of Cyprus, again, was slain by the
    eunuch to revenge an insult; for his wife had been carried off by
    Evagoras's son.  http://classics.mit.edu/Aristotle/politics.5.five.html | 
  
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    | By Herodotus 
 Written 440 B.C.E
 
 Translated by George Rawlinson
 Thalia
 
 The above-mentioned Amasis was the Egyptian king against whom Cambyses, son
    of Cyrus, made his expedition; and with him went an army composed of the
    many nations under his rule, among them being included both Ionic and Aeolic
    Greeks. The reason of the invasion was the following. Cambyses, by the
    advice of a certain Egyptian, who was angry with Amasis for having torn
    him from his wife and children and given him over to the Persians, had
    sent a herald to Amasis to ask his daughter in marriage. His adviser was
    a physician, whom Amasis, when Cyrus had requested that he would send him
    the most skilful of all the Egyptian eye-doctors, singled out as the best
    from the whole number. Therefore the Egyptian bore Amasis a grudge, and
    his reason for urging Cambyses to ask the hand of the king's daughter was,
    that if he complied, it might cause him annoyance; if he refused, it
    might make Cambyses his enemy. When the message came, Amasis, who much dreaded
    the power of the Persians, was greatly perplexed whether to give his
    daughter or no; for that Cambyses did not intend to make her his wife, but
    would only receive her as his concubine, he knew for certain. He therefore cast
    the matter in his mind, and finally resolved what he would do. There was
    a daughter of the late king Apries, named Nitetis, a tall and beautiful woman,
    the last survivor of that royal house. Amasis took this woman, and decking
    her out with gold and costly garments, sent her to Persia as if she had
    been his own child. Some time afterwards, Cambyses, as he gave her an
    embrace, happened to call her by her father's name, whereupon she said to
    him, "I see, O king, thou knowest not how thou has been cheated by
    Amasis; who took me, and, tricking me out with gauds, sent me to thee as
    his own daughter. But I am in truth the child of Apries, who was his lord
    and master, until he rebelled against him, together with the rest of the
    Egyptians, and put him to death." It was this speech, and the cause of
    quarrel it disclosed, which roused the anger of Cambyses, son of Cyrus, and
    brought his arms upon Egypt. Such is the Persian story.
 
 The Egyptians, however, claim Cambyses as belonging to them, declaring that
    he was the son of this Nitetis. It was Cyrus, they say, and not Cambyses, who
    sent to Amasis for his daughter. But here they mis-state the truth. Acquainted
    as they are beyond all other men with the laws and customs of the
    Persians, they cannot but be well aware, first, that it is not the Persian
    wont to allow a bastard to reign when there is a legitimate heir; and
    next, that Cambyses was the son of Cassandane, the daughter of Pharnaspes, an
    Achaemenian, and not of this Egyptian. But the fact is that they pervert history
    in order to claim relationship with the house of Cyrus. Such is the truth
    of this matter.
     | 
  
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    | Alexander 
 By Plutarch   Written 75 A.C.E.
 
 Translated by John Dryden
 At his return out of Egypt into Phoenicia, he sacrificed
    and made solemn processions, to which were added shows of lyric dances and tragedies,
    remarkable not merely for the splendour of the equipage and decorations, but
    for the competition among those who exhibited them. For the kings of Cyprus
    were here the exhibitors, just in the same manner as at Athens those who
    are chosen by lot out of the tribes. And, indeed, they showed the greatest emulation
    to outvie each other; especially Nicocreon, King of Salamis, and
    Pasicrates of Soli, who furnished the chorus, and defrayed the expenses of
    the two most celebrated actors, Athenodorus and Thessalus, the former performing
    for Pasicrates, and the latter for Nicocrean. Thessalus was most
    favoured by Alexander, though it did not appear till Athenodorus was declared
    victor by the plurality of votes. For then at his going away, he said
    the judges deserved to be commended for what they had done, but that he
    would willingly have lost part of his kingdom rather than to have seen
    Thessalus overcome. However, when he understood Athenodorus was fined by
    the Athenians for being absent at the festivals of Bacchus, though he refused
    his request that he would write a letter in his behalf, he gave him a
    sufficient sum to satisfy the penalty. Another time, when Lycon of Scarphia
    happened to act with great applause in the theatre, and in a verse which
    he introduced into the comic part which he was acting, begged for a
    present of ten talents, he laughed and gave him the money.  (Copyright http://classics.mit.edu/Plutarch/alexandr.html
    accessed May 1998)
 | 
  
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    | Herodotus Histories 5.115 [5.115.1] This the Amathusians did, and have done to this
    day. When, however, the Ionians engaged in the sea-battle off Cyprus learned that
    Onesilus' cause was lost and that the cities of Cyprus, with the exception of Salamis
    which the Salaminians had handed over to their former king Gogus, were besieged, they
    sailed off to Ionia without delay. [5.115.2] Soli was the Cyprian
    city which withstood siege longest; the Persians took it in the fifth month by digging a
    mine under its walls.  (Copyright The Perseus Project,
    http://www.perseus.tufts.edu, accessed May 1998) | 
  
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    | Solon 
    (legendary, died 539 B.C.E.) 
     
    By Plutarch  
    Written 75 A.C.E. 
     
    Translated by John Dryden
     His first voyage was for Egypt, and he lived, as he himself says- 
 "Near Nilus' mouth, by fair Canopus' shore," and spent some time in
    study with Psenophis of Heliopolis, and Sonchis the Saite, the most learned
    of all the priests; from whom, as Plato says, getting knowledge of the
    Atlantic story, he put it into a poem, and proposed to bring it to the
    knowledge of the Greeks. From thence he sailed to Cyprus, where he was
    made much of by Philocyprus, one of the kings there, who had a small city
    built by Demophon, Theseus's son, near the river Clarius, in a strong situation,
    but incommodious and uneasy of access. Solon persuaded him, since there
    lay a fair plain below, to remove, and build there a pleasanter and more
    spacious city. And he stayed himself, and assisted in gathering inhabitants,
    and in fitting it both for defence and convenience of living; insomuch
    that many flocked to Philocyprus, and the other kings imitated the
    design; and, therefore, to honour Solon, he called the city Soli, which was
    formerly named Aepea. And Solon himself, in his Elegies, addressing Philocyprus,
    mentions this foundation in these words:-
 
 "Long may you live, and fill the Solian throne,
 Succeeded still by children of your own;
 And from your happy island while I sail,
 Let Cyprus send for me a favouring gale;
 May she advance, and bless your new command,
 Prosper your town, and send me safe to land."
 http://classics.mit.edu/Plutarch/solon.html | 
  
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    | The History of the Peloponnesian War 
    By Thucydides  
 Written 431 B.C.E 
     
    Translated by Richard Crawley
     Meanwhile Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus, was sent out from Lacedaemon as
    commander-in-chief of the Hellenes, with twenty ships from Peloponnese. With
    him sailed the Athenians with thirty ships, and a number of the other allies.
    They made an expedition against Cyprus and subdued most of the island,
    and afterwards against Byzantium, which was in the hands of the Medes,
    and compelled it to surrender. This event took place while the Spartans were
    still supreme.   Three years afterwards a truce was made between the Peloponnesians and
    Athenians for five years. Released from Hellenic war, the Athenians made
    an expedition to Cyprus with two hundred vessels of their own and their
    allies, under the command of Cimon. Sixty of these were detached to
    Egypt at the instance of Amyrtaeus, the king in the marshes; the rest laid
    siege to Kitium, from which, however, they were compelled to retire by
    the death of Cimon and by scarcity of provisions. Sailing off Salamis in
    Cyprus, they fought with the Phoenicians, Cyprians, and Cilicians by land
    and sea, and, being victorious on both elements departed home, http://classics.mit.edu/Thucydides/pelopwar.1.first.html | 
  
    |  | 
  
    | The
    Aeneid 
    By Virgil  
    Written 19 B.C.E 
     
    Translated by John Dryden
     It calls into my mind, tho' then a child, When Teucer came, from Salamis exil'd,
 And sought my father's aid, to be restor'd:
 My father Belus then with fire and sword
 Invaded Cyprus, made the region bare,
 And, conqu'ring, finish'd the successful war.
 From him the Trojan siege I understood,
 The Grecian chiefs, and your illustrious blood.
 Your foe himself the Dardan valor prais'd,
 And his own ancestry from Trojans rais'd.
 Enter, my noble guest, and you shall find,
 If not a costly welcome, yet a kind:
 For I myself, like you, have been distress'd,
 Till Heav'n afforded me this place of rest;
      http://classics.mit.edu/Virgil/aeneid.1.i.html | 
  
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    | Antony 
    (died 30 B.C.E.)  
 By Plutarch
   And Antony, leaving in Caesar's charge his wife and children, and his
    children by his former wife Fulvia, set sail for Asia. 
 But the mischief that thus long had lain still, the passion for Cleopatra,
    which better thoughts had seemed to have lulled and charmed into
    oblivion, upon his approach to Syria gathered strength again, and broke
    out into a flame. And, in fine, like Plato's restive and rebellious horse
    of the human soul, flinging off all good and wholesome counsel, and breaking
    fairly loose, he sends Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra into Syria. To
    whom at her arrival he made no small or trifling present, Phoenicia, Coele-Syria,
    Cyprus, great part of Cilicia, that side of Judaea which produces balm,
    that part of Arabia where the Nabathaeans extend to the outer sea; profuse
    gifts which much displeased the Romans.
 http://classics.mit.edu/Plutarch/antony.html | 
  
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    |      
    
                           
    Cato the Younger (died 46
    B.C.E.)  
                                                          
    By Plutarch      Written 75 A.C.E. 
     
    Translated by John Dryden.
          Therefore having first laid his design, as soon as
    he came into his office, he sent for Cato, and told him that he looked
    upon him as the most incorrupt of all the Romans, and was ready to show
    he did so. "For whereas," said he, "many have applied to
    be sent to Cyprus on the commission in the case of Ptolemy and have
    solicited to have the appointment, I think you alone are deserving of
    it, and I desire to give you the favour of the appointment." Cato
    at once cried out it was a mere design upon him, and no favour, but an
    injury. Then Clodius proudly and fiercely answered, "If you will not take
    it as a kindness, you shall go, though never so unwillingly;" and immediately
    going into the assembly of the people he made them pass a decree, that
    Cato should be sent to Cyprus. But they ordered him neither ship, nor
    soldier, nor any attendant, except two secretaries, one of whom was a
    thief and a rascal, and the other a retainer to Clodius. Besides, as if
    Cyprus and Ptolemy were not work sufficient, he was ordered also to restore
    the refugees of Byzantium. For Clodius was resolved to keep him far
    enough off whilst himself continued tribune. 
 Cato, being in this necessity of going away, advised Cicero, who was
    next to be set upon, to make no resistance, lest he should throw the state
    into civil war and confusion, but to give way to the times, and thus become
    once more the preserver of his country. He himself sent forward Canidius,
    one of his friends, to Cyprus, to persuade Ptolemy to yield, without
    being forced; which if he did, he should want neither riches nor honour,
    for the Romans would give him the priesthood of the goddess at Paphos.
    He himself stayed at Rhodes, making some preparations, and expecting an
    answer from Cyprus. In the meantime, Ptolemy, King of Egypt, who had left
    Alexandria, upon some quarrel between him and his subjects, and was sailing
    for Rome, in hopes that Pompey and Caesar would send troops to restore
    him, in his way thither desired to see Cato, to whom he sent, supposing he
    would come to him. Cato had taken purging medicine at the time when the
    messenger came, and made answer, that Ptolemy had better come to him, if
    he thought fit. And when he came, he neither went forward to meet him, nor
    so much as rose up to him, but saluting him as an ordinary person, bade
    him sit down. This at once threw Ptolemy into some confusion, who was
    surprised to see such stern and haughty manners in one who made so plain
    and unpretending an appearance; but afterwards, when he began to talk
    about his affairs, he was no less astonished at the wisdom and freedom of
    his discourse. For Cato blamed his conduct, and pointed out to him what honour
    and happiness he was abandoning, and what humiliations and troubles he
    would run himself into; what bribery he must resort to, and what cupidity he
    would have to satisfy when he came to the leading men at Rome, whom all
    Egypt turned into silver would scarcely content. He therefore advised him
    to return home, and be reconciled to his subjects, offering to go along with
    him, and assist him in composing the differences. And by this language Ptolemy
    being brought to himself, as it might be out of a fit of madness or
    delirium, and discerning the truth and wisdom of what Cato said, resolved to
    follow his advice; but he was again over-persuaded by his friends to the
    contrary, and so, according to his first design, went to Rome. When he
    came there, and was forced to wait at the gate of one of the magistrates, he
    began to lament his folly in having rejected, rather, as it seemed to him,
    the oracle of a god than the advice merely of a good and wise.
 
 In the meantime, the other Ptolemy, in Cyprus, very luckily for Cato,
    poisoned himself. It was reported he had left great riches; therefore, Cato
    designing to go first to Byzantium, sent his nephew Brutus to Cyprus, as
    he would not wholly trust Canidius. Then, having reconciled the refugees and
    the people of Byzantium, he left the city in peace and quietness; and so
    sailed to Cyprus, where he found a royal treasure of plate, tables, precious
    stones and purple, all which was to be turned into ready money. And
    being determined to do everything with the greatest exactness, and to
    raise the price of everything to the utmost, to this end he was always present
    at selling the things, and went carefully into all the accounts. Nor
    would he trust to the usual customs of the market, but looked doubtfully upon
    all alike, the officers, criers, purchasers, and even his own friends; and
    so in fine he himself talked with the buyers, and urged them to bid high,
    and conducted in this manner the greatest part of the sales.
 
 This mistrustfulness offended most of his friends, and in particular, Munatius,
    the most intimate of them all, became almost irreconcilable. And this
    afforded Caesar the subject of his severest censures in the book he
    wrote against Cato. Yet Munatius himself relates, that the quarrel was not
    so much occasioned by Cato's mistrust, as by his neglect of him, and by
    his own jealousy of Canidius. For Munatius also wrote a book concerning Cato,
    which is the chief authority followed by Thrasea. Munatius says, that
    coming to Cyprus after the other, and having a very poor lodging provided for
    him, he went to Cato's house, but was not admitted, because he was engaged
    in private with Canidius; of which he afterwards complained in very
    gentle terms to Cato, but received a very harsh answer, that too much love,
    according to Theophrastus, often causes hatred; "and you," he said, "because you bear me much love, think you receive too little honour,
    and presently grow angry. I employ Canidius on account of his industry
    and his fidelity; he has been with me from the first, and I have found
    him to be trusted." These things were said in private between them
    two; but Cato afterwards told Canidius what had passed, on being
    informed of which, Munatius would no more go to sup with him, and when
    he was invited to give his counsel, refused to come. Then Cato
    threatened to seize his goods, as was the custom in the case of those
    who were disobedient; but Munatius not regarding his threats, returned
    to Rome, and continued a long time thus discontented. But afterwards,
    when Cato was come back also, Marcia, who as yet lived with him,
    contrived to have them both invited to sup together at the house of one
    Barca; Cato came in last of all, when the rest were laid down, and
    asked, where he should be. Barca answered him, where he pleased; then
    looking about, he said he would be near Munatius, and went and placed
    himself next to him; yet he showed him no other mark of kindness all
    the time they were at table together. But another time, at the entreaty of
    Marcia, Cato wrote to Munatius that he desired to speak with him. Munatius went
    to his house in the morning and was kept by Marcia till all the company was
    gone; then Cato came, threw both his arms about him, and embraced him very
    kindly they were reconciled. I have the more fully related this passage, for
    that I think the manners and tempers of men are more clearly discovered by
    things of this nature, than by great and conspicuous actions.
 
 Cato got together little less than seven thousand talents of silver; but
    apprehensive of what might happen in so long a voyage by sea, he provided a
    great many coffers that held two talents and five hundred drachmas apiece; to
    each of these he fastened a long rope, and to the other end of the rope a
    piece of cork, so that if the ship should miscarry, it might be discovered whereabout
    the chests lay under water. Thus all the money, except a very little,
    was safely transported. But he had made two books, in which all the
    accounts of his commission were carefully written out, and neither of
    these was preserved. For his freedman Philargyrus, who had the charge of
    one of them, setting sail from Cenchreae, was lost, together with the ship
    and all her freight. And the other Cato himself kept safe till he came
    to Corcyra, but there he set up his tent in the market-place, and the
    sailors, being very cold in the night, made a great many fires, some of
    which caught the tents, so that they were burnt, and the book lost. And
    though he had brought with him several of Ptolemy's stewards, who could testify
    to his integrity, and stop the mouths of enemies and false accusers, yet
    the loss annoyed him, and he was vexed with himself about the matter, as
    he had designed them not so much for a proof of his own fidelity, as for
    a pattern of exactness to others.
 
 The news did not fail to reach Rome that he was coming up the river. All
    the magistrates, the priests, and the whole senate, with great part of
    the people, went out to meet him; both the banks of the Tiber were covered with
    people; so that his entrance was in solemnity and honour not inferior to
    a triumph. But it was thought somewhat strange, and looked like willfulness and
    pride, that when the consuls and praetors appeared, he did not disembark nor
    stay to salute them, but rowed up the stream in a royal galley of six banks
    of oars, and stopped not till he brought his vessels to the dock. However,
    when the money was carried through the streets, the people much wondered
    at the vast quantity of it, and the senate being assembled, decreed him
    in honourable terms an extraordinary praetorship, and also the privilege of
    appearing at the public spectacles in a robe faced with purple. Cato declined
    all these honours, but declaring what diligence and fidelity he had
    found in Nicias, the steward of Ptolemy, he requested the senate to give
    him his freedom.
 
 Philippus, the father of Marcia, was that year consul, and the authority
    and power of the office rested in a manner in Cato; for the other consul
    paid him no less regard for his virtue's sake than Philippus did on
    account of the connection between them. And Cicero, now being returned from
    his banishment, into which he was driven by Clodius, and having again obtained
    great credit among the people, went, in the absence of Clodius, and by
    force took away the records of his tribuneship, which had been laid up
    in the capitol. Hereupon the senate was assembled and Clodius complained of
    Cicero, who answered, that Clodius was never legally tribune, and therefore whatever
    he had done was void, and of no authority. But Cato interrupted him
    while he spoke, and at last standing up said, that indeed he in no way
    justified or approved of Clodius's proceedings: but if they questioned the
    validity of what had been done in his tribuneship, they might also question
    what himself had done at Cyprus, for the expedition was unlawful, if he
    that sent him had no lawful authority: for himself, he thought Clodius was
    legally made tribune, who, by permission of the law, was from a patrician adopted
    into a plebeian family; if he had done ill in his office, he ought to
    be called to account for it; but the authority of the magistracy ought not
    to suffer for the faults of the magistrate. Cicero took this ill, and for
    a long time discontinued his friendship with Cato; but they were afterwards reconciled.
 
 Pompey and Crassus, by agreement with Caesar, who crossed the Alps to
    see them, had formed a design, that they two should stand to be chosen consuls
    a second time, and when they should be in their office, they would continue
    to Caesar his government for five years more, and take to themselves the
    greatest provinces, with armies and money to maintain them. This seemed a
    plain conspiracy to subvert the constitution and parcel out the empire. Several
    men of high character had intended to stand to be consuls that year,
    but upon the appearance of these great competitors, they all desisted, except
    only Lucius Domitius, who had married Porcia, the sister of Cato, and
    was by him persuaded to stand it out, and not abandon such an undertaking, which,
    he said, was not merely to gain the consulship, but to save the liberty
    of Rome. In the meantime, it was the common topic among the more prudent
    part of the citizens, that they ought not to suffer the power of Pompey
    and Crassus to be united, which would then be carried beyond all bounds,
    and become dangerous to the state; that therefore one of them must be
    denied. For these reasons they took part with Domitius, whom they exhorted and
    encouraged to go on, assuring him that many who feared openly to appear for
    him, would privately assist him. Pompey's party fearing this, laid wait
    for Domitius, and set upon him as he was going before daylight, with torches,
    into the Field. First, he that bore the light next before Domitius was
    knocked down and killed; then several others being wounded, all the rest
    fled, except Cato and Domitius, whom Cato held, though himself were wounded
    in the arm, and crying out, conjured the others to stay, and not, while
    they had any breath, forsake the defence of their liberty against those
    tyrants, who plainly showed with what moderation they were likely to
    use the power which they endeavoured to gain by such violence. But at length
    Domitius, also, no longer willing to face the danger, fled to his own
    house, and so Pompey and Crassus were declared elected.
 
 Nevertheless, Cato would not give over, but resolved to stand himself to
    be praetor that year, which he thought would be some help to him in his
    design of opposing them; that he might not act as a private man, when he
    was to contend with public magistrates. Pompey and Crassus apprehended this;
    and fearing that the office of praetor in the person of Cato might be
    equal in authority to that of consul, they assembled the senate unexpectedly, without giving notice to a great many of the senators, and made an order, that those who were chosen praetors should immediately enter upon their office, without attending the usual time, in which, according to law, they
    might be accused, if they had corrupted the people with gifts. When by this order they had got leave to bribe freely, without being called to account, they set up their own friends and dependents to stand for the praetorship, giving money, and watching the people as they voted. Yet the virtue and reputation of Cato was like to triumph over all these
    stratagems; for the people generally felt it to be shameful that a
    price should be paid for the rejection of Cato, who ought rather to be
    paid himself to take upon him the office. So he carried it by the
    voices of the first tribe. Hereupon Pompey immediately framed a lie,
    crying out, it thundered; and straight broke up the assembly, for the
    Romans religiously observed this as a bad omen, and never concluded any
    matter after it had thundered. Before the next time, they had
    distributed larger bribes, and driving also the best men out of the
    Field, by these foul means they procured Vatinius to be chosen praetor,
    instead of Cato. It is said, that those who had thus corruptly and
    dishonestly given their voices hurried, as if it were in flight, out of
    the Field. The others staying together, and exclaiming at the event,
    one of the tribunes continued the assembly, and Cato standing up, as it
    were by inspiration, foretold all the miseries that afterwards befell
    the state, exhorted them to beware of Pompey and Crassus, who were guilty
    of such things, and had laid such designs, that they might well fear to
    have Cato praetor. When he had ended this speech, he was followed to
    his house by a greater number of people than all the new praetors elect put
    together.
 
 Caius Trebonius now proposed the law for allotting provinces to the
    consuls, one of whom was to have Spain and Africa, the other Egypt and
    Syria, with full power of making war, and carrying it on both by sea and
    land, as they should think fit. When this was proposed, all others despaired
    of putting any stop to it, and neither did nor said anything against
    it. But Cato, before the voting began, went up into the place of speaking,
    and desiring to be heard, was with much difficulty allowed two hours to
    speak. Having spent that time in informing them and reasoning with
    them, and in foretelling to them much that was to come, he was not suffered
    to speak any longer; but as he was going on, a serjeant came and pulled
    him down; yet when he was down, he still continued speaking in a loud
    voice, and finding many to listen to him, and join in his indignation. Then
    the serjeant took him, and forced him out of the forum; but as soon as
    he got loose, he returned again to the place of speaking, crying out to
    the people to stand by him. When he had done thus several times, Trebonius grew
    very angry, and commanded him to be carried to prison; but the multitude followed
    him, and listened to the speech which he made to them as he went along;
    so that Trebonius began to be afraid again, and ordered him to be released.
    Thus that day was expended, and the business staved off by Cato. But in
    the days succeeding, many of the citizens being overawed by fears and
    threats, and others won by gifts and favours, Aquillius, one of the tribunes,
    they kept by an armed force within the senate-house; Cato, who cried it
    thundered, they drove out of the forum; many were wounded, and some
    slain; and at length by open force they passed the law. At this many were
    so incensed that they got together and were going to throw down the statues
    of Pompey; but Cato went and diverted them from that design.
 
    Again, another law was proposed, concerning the provinces and legions of
    Caesar. Upon this occasion Cato did not apply himself to the people, but
    appealed to Pompey himself; and told him, he did not consider now that he
    was setting Caesar upon his own shoulders, who would shortly grow too weighty
    for him; and at length, not able to lay down the burden, nor yet to
    bear it any longer, he would precipitate both it and himself with it upon
    the commonwealth; and then he would remember Cato's advice, which was
    no less advantageous to him than just and honest in itself. Thus was Pompey
    often warned, but still disregarded and slighted it, never mistrusting Caesar's
    change, and always confiding in his own power and good fortune.
 
 Cato was made praetor the following year; but, it seems, he did not do
    more honour and credit to the office by his signal integrity than he
    disgraced and diminished it by his strange behaviour. For he would often come
    to the court without his shoes, and sit upon the bench without any undergarment,
    and in this attire would give judgment in capital causes, and upon
    persons of the highest rank. It is said, also, he used to drink wine
    after his morning meal, and then transact the business of his office; but
    this was wrongfully reported of him. The people were at that time extremely corrupted
    by the gifts of those who sought offices, and most made a constant trade
    of selling their voices. Cato was eager utterly to root this corruption out
    of the commonwealth; he therefore persuaded the senate to make an order, that
    those who were chosen into any office, though nobody should accuse them,
    should be obliged to come into the court, and give account upon oath of
    their proceedings in their election. This was extremely obnoxious to those
    who stood for the offices, and yet more to those vast numbers who took
    the bribes. Insomuch that one morning, as Cato was going to the tribunal, a
    great multitude of people flocked together, and with loud cries and maledictions
        reviled him, and threw stones at him. Those that were about the tribunal
        presently fled, and Cato himself being forced thence, and jostled about in the throng, very narrowly escaped the stones that were thrown at him,
        and with much difficulty got hold of the rostra; where, standing up with
        a bold and undaunted countenance, he at once mastered the tumult, and
    silenced the clamour; and addressing them in fit terms for the
    occasion, was heard with great attention, and perfectly quelled the
    sedition. Afterwards, on the senate commending him for this, "But
    I," said he, "do not commend you for abandoning your praetor
    in danger, and bringing him no assistance."
 
 In the meantime, the candidates were in great perplexity; for every one
    dreaded to give money himself, and yet feared lest his competitors should.
    At length they agreed to lay down one hundred and twenty-five thousand drachmas
    apiece, and then all of them to canvass fairly and honestly, on condition,
    that if any one was found to make use of bribery he should forfeit the
    money. Being thus agreed, they chose Cato to keep the stakes, and arbitrate the
    matter; to him they brought the sum concluded on, and before him subscribed the
    agreement. The money he did not choose to have paid for them, but took their
    securities who stood bound for them. Upon the day of election, he placed
    himself by the tribune who took the votes, and very watchfully observing all
    that passed, he discovered one who had broken the agreement, and immediately
        ordered him to pay his money to the rest. They, however, commending his justice highly, remitted the penalty, as thinking the discovery a
    sufficient punishment. It raised, however, as much envy against Cato as
    it gained him reputation, and many were offended at his thus taking
    upon himself the whole authority of the senate, the courts of
    judicature, and the magistracies. For there is no virtue, the honour
    and credit for which procures a man more odium than that of justice;
    and this, because more than any other, it acquires a man power and
    authority among the common people. For they only honour the valiant and
    admire the wise, while in addition they also love just men, and put
    entire trust and confidence in them. They fear the bold man, and
    mistrust the clever man, and moreover think them rather beholding to
    their natural complexion, than to any goodness of their will, for these excellences;
    they look upon valour as a certain natural strength of the mind, and
    wisdom as a constitutional acuteness; whereas a man has it in his power
    to be just, if he have but the will to be so, and therefore injustice is
    thought the most dishonourable, because it is least excusable.
 
 Cato upon this account was opposed by all the great men, who thought themselves
    reproved by his virtue. Pompey especially looked upon the increase of
    Cato's credit as the ruin of his own power, and therefore continually set
    up men to rail against him. Among these was the seditious Clodius, now
    again united to Pompey, who declared openly, that Cato had conveyed away
    a great deal of the treasure that was found in Cyprus; and that he hated
    Pompey only because he refused to marry his daughter. Cato answered, that
    although they had allowed him neither horse nor man, he had brought more
    treasure from Cyprus alone, than Pompey had,
    | 
  
    |  | 
  
    | Metamorphoses 
    By Ovid  
    Written 1 A.C.E. 
     
    Translated by Sir Samuel Garth, John Dryden, et al
     The Story of Pygmalion and the Statue 
 Pygmalion loathing their lascivious life,
 Abhorr'd all womankind, but most a wife:
 So single chose to live, and shunn'd to wed,
 Well pleas'd to want a consort of his bed.
 Yet fearing idleness, the nurse of ill,
 In sculpture exercis'd his happy skill;
 And carv'd in iv'ry such a maid, so fair,
 As Nature could not with his art compare,
 Were she to work; but in her own defence
 Must take her pattern here, and copy hence.
 Pleas'd with his idol, he commends, admires,
 Adores; and last, the thing ador'd, desires.
 A very virgin in her face was seen,
 And had she mov'd, a living maid had been:
 One wou'd have thought she cou'd have stirr'd, but strove
 With modesty, and was asham'd to move.
 Art hid with art, so well perform'd the cheat
 It caught the carver with his own deceit:
 He knows 'tis madness, yet he must adore,
 And still the more he knows it, loves the more:
 The flesh, or what so seems, he touches oft,
 Which feels so smooth, that he believes it soft.
 Fir'd with this thought, at once he strain'd the breast,
 And on the lips a burning kiss impress'd.
 'Tis true, the harden'd breast resists the gripe,
 And the cold lips return a kiss unripe:
 But when, retiring back, he look'd again,
 To think it iv'ry, was a thought too mean:
 So wou'd believe she kiss'd, and courting more,
 Again embrac'd her naked body o'er;
 And straining hard the statue, was afraid
 His hands had made a dint, and hurt his maid:
 Explor'd her limb by limb, and fear'd to find
 So rude a gripe had left a livid mark behind:
 With flatt'ry now he seeks her mind to move,
 And now with gifts (the pow'rful bribes of love),
 He furnishes her closet first; and fills
 The crowded shelves with rarities of shells;
 Adds orient pearls, which from the conchs he drew,
 And all the sparkling stones of various hue:
 And parrots, imitating human tongue,
 And singing-birds in silver cages hung:
 And ev'ry fragrant flow'r, and od'rous green,
 Were sorted well, with lumps of amber laid between:
 Rich fashionable robes her person deck,
 Pendants her ears, and pearls adorn her neck:
 Her taper'd fingers too with rings are grac'd,
 And an embroider'd zone surrounds her slender waste.
 Thus like a queen array'd, so richly dress'd,
 Beauteous she shew'd, but naked shew'd the best.
 Then, from the floor, he rais'd a royal bed,
 With cov'rings of Sydonian purple spread:
 The solemn rites perform'd, he calls her bride,
 With blandishments invites her to his side;
 And as she were with vital sense possess'd,
 Her head did on a plumy pillow rest.
 
 The feast of Venus came, a solemn day,
 To which the Cypriots due devotion pay;
 With gilded horns the milk-white heifers led,
 Slaughter'd before the sacred altars, bled.
 
 Pygmalion off'ring, first approach'd the shrine,
 And then with pray'rs implor'd the Pow'rs divine:
 Almighty Gods, if all we mortals want,
 If all we can require, be yours to grant;
 Make this fair statue mine, he wou'd have said,
 But chang'd his words for shame; and only pray'd,
 Give me the likeness of my iv'ry maid.
 
 The golden Goddess, present at the pray'r,
 Well knew he meant th' inanimated fair,
 And gave the sign of granting his desire;
 For thrice in chearful flames ascends the fire.
 The youth, returning to his mistress, hies,
 And impudent in hope, with ardent eyes,
 And beating breast, by the dear statue lies.
 He kisses her white lips, renews the bliss,
 And looks, and thinks they redden at the kiss;
 He thought them warm before: nor longer stays,
 But next his hand on her hard bosom lays:
 Hard as it was, beginning to relent,
 It seem'd, the breast beneath his fingers bent;
 He felt again, his fingers made a print;
 'Twas flesh, but flesh so firm, it rose against the dint:
 The pleasing task he fails not to renew;
 Soft, and more soft at ev'ry touch it grew;
 Like pliant wax, when chasing hands reduce
 The former mass to form, and frame for use.
 He would believe, but yet is still in pain,
 And tries his argument of sense again,
 Presses the pulse, and feels the leaping vein.
 Convinc'd, o'erjoy'd, his studied thanks, and praise,
 To her, who made the miracle, he pays:
 Then lips to lips he join'd; now freed from fear,
 He found the savour of the kiss sincere:
 At this the waken'd image op'd her eyes,
 And view'd at once the light, and lover with surprize.
 The Goddess, present at the match she made,
 So bless'd the bed, such fruitfulness convey'd,
 That ere ten months had sharpen'd either horn,
 To crown their bliss, a lovely boy was born;
 Paphos his name, who grown to manhood, wall'd
 The city Paphos, from the founder call'd.
 
 | 
  
    | Aemilius
    Paulus (legendary, died 160 B.C.E.)
 
 By Plutarch
 
 Written 75 A.C.E.
 
 Translated by John Dryden
     Antigonus, the most powerful amongst the captains and successors
      of Alexander, having obtained for himself and his posterity the title of king, had a son named Demetrius, father to Antigonus, called Gonatas, and
      he had a son Demetrius, who, reigning some short time, died and left a young son called Philip. The chief men of Macedon, fearing great confusion
      might arise in his minority, called in Antigonus, cousin-german to the late king, and married him to the widow, the mother of Philip. At first
      they only styled him regent and general, but when they found by experience
      that he governed the kingdom with moderation and to general advantage, gave him the title of king. This was he that was surnamed Doson, as if
      he was a great promiser and a bad performer. To him succeeded Philip, who in his youth gave great hopes of equalling the best of kings, and that
      he one day would restore Macedon to its former state and dignity, and prove
      himself the one man able to check the power of the Romans, now rising
    and extending over the whole world. But, being vanquished in a pitched
    battle by Titus Flaminius near Scotussa, his resolution failed, and he
    yielded himself and all that he had to the mercy of the Romans, well
    contented that he could escape with paying a small tribute. Yet
    afterwards, recollecting himself, he bore it with great impatience, and
    though he lived rather like a slave that was pleased with ease, than a
    man of sense and courage, whilst he held his kingdom at the pleasure of
    his conquerors; which made him turn his whole mind to war, and prepare
    himself with as much cunning and privacy as possible. To this end, he
    left his cities on the high roads and sea-coast ungarrisoned, and almost
    desolate, that they might seem inconsiderable; in the meantime,
    collecting large forces up the country, and furnishing his inland posts,
    strongholds, and towns, with arms, money, and men fit for service, he
    thus provided himself for war, and yet kept his preparations close. He
    had in his armoury arms for thirty thousand men; in granaries, in places
    of strength, eight millions of bushels of corn, and as much ready money
    as would defray the charge of maintaining ten thousand mercenary soldiers
    for ten years in defence of the country. But before he could put these
    things into motion, and carry his designs into effect, he died for griefs
    and anguish of mind, being sensible he had put his innocent son Demetrius
    to death, upon the calumnies of one that was far more guilty. Perseus,
    his son that survived, inherited his hatred to the Romans as well as his
    kingdom, but was incompetent to carry out his designs, through want of
    courage and the viciousness of a character in which, among faults and diseases
    of various sorts, covetousness bore the chief place. There is a
    statement also of his not being true-born; that the wife of King Philip took
    him from his mother, Gnathaenion (a woman of Argos, that earned her living
    as a seamstress), as soon as he was born, and passed him upon her
      husband
    as her own. And this might be the chief cause of his contriving the
    death of Demetrius, as he might well fear that, so long as there was a
    lawful successor in the family, there was no security that his spurious birth
    might not be revealed. 
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